Roy Leslie Bennett, a white Member of Parliament representing the opposition MDC party in the Chimanimani constituency, assaulted Patrick Chinamasa, the Minister of Justice and Leader of the House, during a Parliamentary session on 18 May 2004. The assault occurred after Chinamasa made remarks during a debate on the Stock Theft Amendment Bill, alleging that Bennett and his forefathers were thieves who had benefited from colonialism and stating he would ensure Bennett never returned to his farm (Charlesworth Estate) despite existing court orders in Bennett's favour. Bennett had been subjected to prolonged harassment, illegal farm invasions by state agents, theft of livestock and equipment, unlawful eviction from his farm despite multiple court orders in his favour, and two of his employees had been extra-judicially executed. During the debate, Bennett rose from his seat without permission from the Chair, advanced toward Chinamasa, and pushed him with considerable force, causing him to fall to the ground. A Parliamentary Committee of five members (three from the ruling ZANU-PF party and two from the opposition MDC) was appointed to investigate. The Committee found Bennett guilty of contempt of Parliament and recommended a sentence of 15 months' imprisonment with labour, of which 3 months were suspended. Parliament adopted this recommendation through a majority vote along party lines.
Application dismissed. The conviction and sentence of 15 months' imprisonment with labour (3 months suspended) were upheld. No order as to costs.
When Parliament sits as a court to adjudicate contempt of Parliament, it does not sit as a court of law or "independent and impartial court established by law" under section 18 of the Constitution, but as a court sui generis created by the Constitution itself, and therefore section 18(2) and (9) do not apply to such proceedings. Sections 49 and 13(2)(b) of the Zimbabwe Constitution confer on Parliament the power to make laws providing for punitive punishment (including imprisonment) for past acts of contempt of Parliament, not merely preventive powers to prevent disruption. This power is explicitly authorized by the Constitution and does not violate the separation of powers doctrine. A sentence will only contravene section 15(1) of the Constitution if it is "grossly disproportionate" to the seriousness of the offence—that is, so excessive as to shock or outrage contemporary standards of decency—not merely if it is severe or harsh.
Chidyausiku CJ observed that section 3 of the Privileges, Immunities and Powers of Parliament Act, which had not been challenged, conferred on the Zimbabwean Parliament identical powers enjoyed by the UK Parliament as of 18 April 1980, including punitive powers for contempt, providing an alternative constitutional basis for Parliament's jurisdiction. The Chief Justice also noted that the proceedings of the Committee were "thorough and conducted in an eminently fair and impartial manner" and that Bennett "did not criticize the manner in which the proceedings were conducted." Sandura JA in dissent commented that the Attorney-General's withdrawal of concessions (that the sentence was grossly disproportionate and that Parliament voted along party lines) without any valid reason "greatly strengthens" the conclusion that the sentence violated section 15(1). He also observed that imprisonment "is a rigorous and severe form of punishment which should be resorted to only when it is absolutely necessary" and that Parliament failed to guard against "excessive devotion to the cause of deterrence."
This case is significant in Zimbabwean constitutional law for several reasons: (1) It affirmed that Parliament sitting as a court for contempt proceedings is not subject to section 18 of the Constitution guaranteeing fair hearing before an independent and impartial court, following Mutasa v Makombe; (2) It established that sections 49 and 13(2)(b) of the Zimbabwe Constitution confer punitive (not merely preventive) jurisdiction on Parliament to imprison for contempt, distinguishing Zimbabwe from other Commonwealth jurisdictions where such power is limited to the UK Parliament's historical position; (3) It applied the test from S v Ncube that punishment violates section 15(1) only if "grossly disproportionate" to the offence, setting a high threshold; (4) It demonstrates the intersection of parliamentary privilege, constitutional rights, and the separation of powers doctrine in Zimbabwe; (5) The case illustrates the politicization of parliamentary contempt proceedings, with the majority and dissenting opinions reflecting different approaches to assessing proportionality of punishment; (6) It confirms Parliament's substantial autonomy in regulating its own proceedings and punishing contempt, with limited judicial oversight.