On 18 June 2014, during a debate on the President's State of the Nation Address in a joint sitting of the National Assembly (NA) and National Council of Provinces (NCOP), Julius Malema (first respondent), leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) (second respondent), stated that the ANC had "massacred" 34 mineworkers at Marikana two years prior, referring to the actions of police who "were representing the ANC government." An ANC member raised a point of order challenging whether this was parliamentary. The Chairperson of the NCOP (appellant) deferred her ruling to the next day. On 19 June 2014, the Chairperson ruled that Malema's statements were unparliamentary, suggesting that government members (who are Members of Parliament) deliberately decided to massacre people and accused them of murder. She ordered Malema to withdraw his statement. Malema refused and maintained his position. The Chairperson then ordered him to leave the House for the remainder of the day's sitting. Malema and the EFF applied to the Western Cape High Court to review and set aside the Chairperson's rulings, which succeeded. The Chairperson appealed to the Supreme Court of Appeal with leave.
The appeal was dismissed with costs, including costs for two counsel. The costs of the application for condonation in respect of the respondents' failure to timeously serve and file their heads of argument were ordered to be paid by their attorney, Mr Godla, de bonis propriis (from his own resources) on the attorney and client scale.
The binding legal principles established are: (1) Parliamentary standing orders must be interpreted consistently with the constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech in Parliament contained in section 58(1) of the Constitution; (2) Standing orders prohibiting Members from imputing improper motives or casting personal reflections on other Members apply only when speech targets Members of Parliament (individually or collectively), not when criticizing government or ruling party conduct; (3) Criticism of "the government" or "the ANC government" is not equivalent to criticism of Members of Parliament and does not contravene standing orders protecting Members from personal attacks; (4) Robust political speech criticizing government conduct falls in the heartland of constitutionally protected parliamentary speech and cannot be suppressed through standing orders; (5) A presiding officer's ruling that speech is unparliamentary must be rationally related to the legitimate purpose of the standing order (preventing personal insults that cloud parliamentary debate); (6) Speech that constitutes legitimate political criticism, even if robust or emotive, is protected by section 58(1) and cannot be ruled unparliamentary merely because it criticizes government or reflects poorly on the ruling party; (7) The purpose of parliamentary free speech provisions is to ensure meaningful deliberation and effective oversight of the Executive, and rules cannot be interpreted to defeat this purpose.
The Court made several important obiter observations: (1) It expressed doubt (without deciding) whether regard could be had to the Chairperson's affidavit to construe her ruling, suggesting that rulings should speak for themselves and constitute the exclusive memorial defining members' rights; (2) The Court emphasized that political life in democratic South Africa has always been "loud, rowdy and fractious" and that "within the boundaries the Constitution sets, it is good for democracy" to permit as much open and vigorous discussion as possible; (3) The Court observed that immunizing parliamentary conduct from civil and criminal liability "is a bulwark of democracy" that "promotes freedom of speech and expression" and "removes the fear of repercussion for what is said"; (4) It noted that tyrannical rule is usually at the hands of the Executive and that Parliament must operate in an environment guaranteeing freedom from harassment to properly exercise oversight; (5) The Court distinguished between suspension as a "necessary protective measure" when behavior obstructs parliamentary business versus suspension as "punishment" for objectionable speech - only the former is constitutionally permissible; (6) The judgment included a stern rebuke of the respondents' attorney for flagrant disregard of the Court's rules, emphasizing attorneys' duty to familiarize themselves with and comply with court rules.
This case is significant for clarifying the scope of parliamentary privilege and freedom of speech in the South African Parliament under the constitutional dispensation. It establishes important principles regarding: (1) The constitutional protection afforded to robust political speech in Parliament under section 58(1); (2) The limits of parliamentary standing orders in regulating speech - they cannot be used to stifle legitimate political criticism; (3) The crucial distinction between criticism of government/ruling party (protected) versus personal attacks on individual Members of Parliament (potentially unparliamentary); (4) The need for parliamentary rules to be interpreted in conformity with constitutional values; (5) The rationality standard applicable to presiding officers' rulings; (6) The role of free speech as essential to democratic deliberation and Parliament's oversight function over the Executive. The judgment reinforces that South Africa's constitutional democracy requires Parliament to function as an incubator of political speech where robust debate can flourish without fear of suppression, subject only to constitutional limits. It serves as an important check on potential abuse of parliamentary procedures to silence opposition voices.
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