Madlanga J made several important observations: (1) Proving the existence of a permanent life partnership is not insurmountable - courts can apply factors from National Coalition for Gay and Lesbian Equality (duration, public recognition, financial interdependence, etc.) adapted to the heterosexual context. (2) The doctrine of precedent does not require finding a previous decision 'clearly wrong' where changed social and legal context (such as the development in Paixão) provides a different framework for analysis. (3) Extending protection to permanent life partners does not devalue or undermine the institution of marriage. (4) Census data showing 3.2 million cohabiting couples reflects a social reality that law must address. (5) Permanent life partnerships deserve respect as institutions through which many lead their lives, form families, and find love and support. Mogoeng CJ observed: (1) Courts should not inadvertently reinforce women's victimhood or normalize manipulative relationships. (2) Equality and freedom values should encourage women to exit oppressive relationships rather than making them more tolerable. (3) Different statutory regimes for different types of relationships (civil marriage, customary marriage, civil unions) are constitutionally permissible. (4) The common law can and should be developed incrementally to address specific needs rather than wholesale statutory reading-in. Jafta J noted: (1) Hugo establishes that denial of a benefit based on a listed ground does not automatically constitute unfair discrimination. (2) The real problem is Parliament's comprehensive failure to regulate the 3.2 million people in permanent life partnerships. (3) Parliament remains the appropriate body to define rights, obligations, formation and dissolution of permanent life partnerships. (4) A referral to Parliament to address this legislative gap would be appropriate.